The arts divided cannot stand

The arts divided cannot stand

The UK’s growing Black, Asian and minority ethnic population* inevitably means that the racial funding gap** in the arts will widen over time. To close it we either need to double down on cuts to large London cultural institutions or come together as a sector to argue for a significant increase in government funding to the arts.

In November, Arts Council England (ACE) announced a significant increase in the proportion of its NPO budget going to racially diverse organisations, from 2.4% to 8.4%. As a result, from next year ACE will distribute its funding more closely in line with the size of the Black, Asian and minority ethnic population, which at the start of the spending review was c.14%.

But by the time ACE announced its spending plans, updated census data put the UK’s ethnically diverse population at 18.3%, and in London 63.2% of the population identified as being from an ethnic minority. This demographic shift means ACE needs to more than double its investment in ethnically diverse organisations to achieve racial equity.

To pay for this increase, the difficult decisions ACE made to make cuts to major London-based institutions like English National Opera (ENO) and the Royal Opera House would need to be consolidated and further cuts implemented.

 

Can we close the racial funding gap and continue to fund incumbent institutions? 

ACE has left the door open to future funding of organisations whose grants were reduced or cut in the last spending review. As CEO Darren Henley CBE said,

We’d like to work with ENO so they are in a strong position to reapply for NPO next time, from outside of London with Coliseum as a key part of their provision.”

Reinstating funding to the likes of ENO while continuing to meet its commitment to racially equitable funding would require a significant increase in ACE’s current budget to c.£2.1bn. This is how it breaks down per annum:

  • The amount required to bridge the racial funding gap in NPO funding from 2023 – £44.1m pa
  • The projected increase in the racial funding gap at the next spending review (2026-30) due to continuing growth of the Black, Asian and ethnically diverse population – £4.92m pa
  • The reinstatement of funding to London organisations – c.£22.4m pa
  • Inflation, estimated conservatively at 5% – £22.3m pa

Total: £93.72m p/a

This represents a 21% increase in ACE’s current budget, from the current level of £446m to c.£540m per annum. So, across the next four-year funding period from 2026-30, ACE’s budget would need to exceed £2.1bn. 

A 21% increase in ACE’s budget is ambitious given the economic climate and can only be achieved if the arts stand together in their call for more money. Achieving the funding needed to close the racial funding gap and maintain the financial support to large incumbent arts institutions will not be possible if there is infighting between ethnic groups and/or artforms.

 

We are all in this together?

There are three years until the next spending review. Unless the arts sector – black and white, classical and non-classical, London and regional – come together to fight for increased funding, we won’t be able to achieve racial equity without further cuts to incumbent organisations.

Within any such collective action, the onus of achieving an additional £93.72m per annum must be shared, and those with most power and influence should shoulder more responsibility.

The recent Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) Select Committee meeting scrutinising ACE’s spending review demonstrates the power of the large classical music organisations. Through their lobbying, they were able to haul ACE executives in front of a committee of MPs to explain spending cuts to organisations like the ENO and the Welsh National Opera.

No such scrutiny has ever been undertaken regarding the racial funding gap, something which has led to excellent organisations being cut or, worse, excellent new initiatives never seeing the light of day.

In the lead up to the last spending review, large incumbent arts organisations had little if any interest in actively supporting racial equity beyond their walls. They must now lend their political heft to the campaign for racially equitable funding in the arts sector more broadly, while lobbying for increased overall funding.

Given the scale of the ask we must be clear about our priorities. Any increase to ACE’s budget must first be spent on closing the racial funding gap.

 

Why the racial funding gap needs to be top priority 

As the UK continues to become an ever more multi-racial society, our leaders will inevitably become more diverse. How we give all leaders the funding to build the future charities, social enterprises and businesses they aspire to – and the UK needs – becomes an increasingly pressing question.

Reversing recent cuts to major arts organisations without first achieving racially equitable funding would be to prioritise incumbent classical music institutions – who already receive 80% of ACE’s music budget – over racial equity.

We cannot sweeten the pill or minimise the implications for those who argue for exceptionalism over racial equity. Exceptionalism – sometimes coded as ‘excellence’ – is an outdated device for the exercise of power and privilege. If we are genuinely all in this together then it’s incumbent on large institutions to share limited resources equitably.

So, I call on leaders of the major arts institutions to support the campaign for racially equitable funding in the lead up to ACE’s next spending review. It is their responsibility not only to campaign for the preservation of their own organisations but also to struggle for the right of all communities to reimagine and build the arts organisations of the future.

We have a once-in-a-generation opportunity to close the racial funding gap in the arts. Our shared belief must be that in doing so we will fully harness the UK’s leadership potential, drive an even more excellent, inclusive, culturally relevant and robust sector.

Now is the time for the major arts institutions to demonstrate that we really are all in this together, by fighting for increased funding, or accepting with equanimity any cuts needed so that resources can be shared fairly. It is this second condition that is important in demonstrating the togetherness or not of the sector.

Accepting cuts is necessary; to close the racial equity gap in the arts is the ultimate sign of unity. Anything else would represent division and an arts sector divided against itself cannot stand.

 

 

*We recognise the diversity of individual identities and lived experiences and understand that various terms used in this piece to describe ethnicity are imperfect and do not fully capture the racial, cultural and ethnic identities of people that experience structural and systematic inequality.

 

** The racial funding gap is the difference between what a funder distributes to ethnically diverse communities and what this funding would be were it in proportion to the UK Black, Asian and minority ethnic population.

 

This article was first published in Arts Professional on 19 January 2023 as part of a series of articles that promote a more equitable and representative sector.

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Addressing racism in football: punishment vs rehabilitation (article)

Addressing racism in football: punishment vs rehabilitation (article)

We can punish fans who racially abuse Black players. We can kick them off social media, ban them from football matches, sack them, fine them. But we cannot move society towards greater tolerance through punitive actions alone. Nor can we completely silence racist speech. As things are currently structured, it will inevitably find expression somewhere.

Over a decade ago I shared some personal stories from my childhood which illustrate how racist ideas of Black inferiority and white supremacy are endemic. 

I am in the school library (aged 15) talking to Martin about football. I say how ‘crap’ the England team is. Martin responds: ‘What have Black people ever contributed to us?’ I know what he’s asking. Any answer I give is to save face. (Pele? Michael Jackson?) I don’t question his view that Black people have not contributed – it is true that we have contributed nothing of worth, otherwise, surely, I would have been taught about it? My trust in the British education system is absolute.

 The weekend before that conversation, this happened:

I am at home alone engrossed in England playing Scotland. In the final minute, Scotland scores a winner. The whistle blows and I feel sick. My cousin walks in and she’s shocked that I’m crying. ‘Don’t you know those England fans would tear you limb from limb if they met you on the street. Don’t cry for England, Kevin.’ Now I sob. The game is lost and in an instant she has ripped apart what fragile identity I was holding onto. She has said what I had always felt: I don’t belong.

 

This sense of not fully belonging is at the heart of the present-day experience of Black football fans. We want to belong, and we trust that we can. We emotionally invest in being fans, but the additional pressure felt by many Black supporters as Rashford, Sancho and Saka took their penalties was a different and separate experience from white supporters. In a visceral way, they were representing us, the Black community; they were shooting to win a football match, but also for our collective sense of belonging. The rejection that followed, even if only by a few white fans, inevitably felt to the players and many Black fans like a rejection by the country. 

Our belonging is tenuous because it is conditional on performing, on not stepping out of line from the expectations set by society. When the unwritten rules are broken, the connection you thought you had with the world around you breaks with it. I considered Martin to be my friend at school, but his ability on the one hand to accept me, but to then completely reject me when I criticised the England team, was emotionally jarring. 

I spent many years dissociating myself from my passion for football. For a long time, the only way I could enjoy a match was by not committing myself emotionally to the outcome. I knew the sense of tribalism that football evoked and was fearful of the racism and rejection that accompanied it.

Only now can I watch a match – and commit emotionally to my hoped-for outcome – without this fear. This freedom comes from remembering that racism, while being an individual act, is cultivated by society. 

With this perspective, the hurt I experienced at Martin’s rejection – and from the fans after the Euro 2020 final – can be felt but without being undermined by it. I am able to see him (them) not only as a beneficiary of the system by virtue of being white but also as a product of the system. We had both absorbed the same message: one of Black inferiority. Despite out-achieving him academically, in sport and in music he could crush me with a single question. No matter how much I achieved, he had an ace card through his sense of innate superiority and belonging. It was never an explicit message, but we both understood it. We absorbed it through the education system, it was embedded by the media, and then spread through the population at large.

This does not excuse what Martin said, or what a few racist England fans did after the Euro 2020 finals, but it frees me from the emotional rollercoaster of the experience. This may be the seed from which a longer-term solution can grow. 

So, returning to my question: do we punish or ‘de-radicalise’ racists in football? We certainly need to recalibrate our response. While messages of support for players are vital in providing succour in response to these highly emotionally charged experiences, punitive action, no matter how satisfying it might feel in the short term, only exacerbates the problem in the long term if not delivered hand-in-hand with rehabilitation and re-education.

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Sarah Everard – Taking a wider perspective on discrimination (article)

Sarah Everard – Taking a wider perspective on discrimination (article)

The kidnap and murder of Sarah Everard (like the murder of George Floyd) dominate the news and social media as it rightly sparks upset, the telling of personal stories, outrage, and calls for things to change. When you have a specific manifestation of any discrimination the calls to action sometimes overrides the deep-seated causes and the entrenched structures that make real change hard. It’s important to step back and take a wider view.

Many of us try and fight sexism, racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia in relation to our own identity and lived experience. Personally, I think all discrimination shares the same roots, whatever someone’s personal experience. It is the same virus: abuse of power by white patriarchy.  

all discrimination shares the same roots, whatever someone’s personal experience. It is the same virus: abuse of power by white patriarchy.

I wonder if our desire to fight discrimination mainly through our personal lens is to do with our individual capacity to empathise or acknowledge our own unconscious bias on other issues. It’s perhaps natural and obvious that I would find it easier to fight racism, as someone who has experienced it, than to empathise with other forms of discrimination and perhaps to challenge my own unconscious prejudices on some of these other issues.

Until everyone who is fighting discrimination unites to acknowledge the parallels and fight the roots, we are all just fighting for a fairer share of a rotten and infected pie as one tragic event knocks another off the political and media agendas.

“The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house”.
Audre Lorde

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Racial Fluidity (article)

Racial Fluidity (article)

A few weeks ago I shared post on my LinkedIn, exploring the concept of racial fluidity. This sparked quite a lot of interest and there were some stimulating responses, so much so that I am organising an informal group discussion about it in late February / early March. Here’s the LinkedIn post: 

“There is an increased presence of identity politics in my life. I have noticed my response to the language of gender fluidity and my resistance to the use of new pronouns. I want to do the work to understand my emotional resistance to it and shake it off.

I find it helpful to see gender fluidity through the lens of race. The concept of racial fluidity has formed – maybe, as with gender, racial identity is part of a spectrum?

Whether we define gender as biological, physical, cultural or emotional states of being, it is obviously fluid. Similarly, if we define race by these measures, it must also be fluid.

If an NHS form can offer ‘I prefer to use my own term’ for gender and sexual orientation, why not for race? If you have resistance to this idea then perhaps, like me, you have work to do too? ”

Here is a comment thread between Akin and me:

Akin: Our ‘common values’ are currently in flux. Also our society is less monolithic ( certainly cultural, socio-political and religious) than it was say, a hundred years ago. So, pretty much everything is up for grabs. This is the one of the reasons why our society is currently divided. When Neitzsche said “God is dead”. It seems he meant it as a warning of the consequence of the loss of a common ‘beacon’, but what we heard instead was a celebration. Potentially, racial fluidity might be the next battle ground 5-10 years from now. When I say racial fluidity, I mean ‘self identifying’ as a different race to the race that you were born. That’ll be fun! My personal question is as a society, who is in the driving seat of our common values and who is navigating? This is crucial as our values is what binds us together. My fear is that It is always tends to be the same small pocket of people who control what we see, when we see it and how we see it. They are the new clerics.

Me: ….Part of racial fluidity is ‘self identifying’ as a different race. But for me it’s also about just us acknowledging racial fluidity as a reality, whether we choose to self identify or not. I.e. that most of us, in one way or another, sit on the spectrum between ‘black’ and ‘white’. My last post ‘Letter To My 16 Year Old Self’ illustrates this. I’m wondering if a general acceptance of racial fluidity, as a fact of life, would have allowed me (and others) a more ‘free’ (comfortable) process for exploring racial identity; one that would be less driven and navigated by others and as a result less loaded with shame. Just a thought. Thanks for your response.

Akin: but ‘racial fluidity’ isn’t a fact of life (unless we make it one. Again, what do we define as race? ). People are bi-racial, tri-racial. Thats a fact of life. Could you Kevin self identify as Chinese? I am not sure. Esp If you don’t have any Chinese admixture and ancestry. Again, we aren’t the total sum of reality. We are a part of society and are a reflection of society at that point in time. Every society has its own quirk. Where I grew up in Nigeria, a white person who is fully absorbed into the culture and speaks the language would be pretty much considered African and Black and treated as such, knowing that the acceptance is not in any way erasing their ‘whiteness’. They do not swap one race for the other, or jump between races They are fully adopted in one, while ‘retaining’ the race of birth.

Me: Yes, it does depend on how we define race, which is a whole debate, as definitions change from place to place. For that reason, I mainly speak about the UK / European experience which I know. I was using the criteria for race mentioned in my original comment and which I think, apply to gender ID. The criteria are up for debate. My assertion is if they apply to gender they also must apply to race. And if gender fluidity is a fact of life in the UK then so must racial fluidity. That said, you example of how things operate in Nigeria is really interesting and would perhaps prevent the need for race fluidity as a concept, as people are just accepted whatever their colour, heritage etc if they naturally assimilate. This approach would probably be the ideal. I can see how it would happen in Nigeria / Africa but I’m less optimistic about this happening anytime soon in the UK / Europe. We will likely need to go down the identity politics route at least initially (because it’s already being adopted ) perhaps as a step towards what you describe happens in Nigeria.

Akin: What is race? I have heard some people define everything from muslims to french people as a race. My thinking is that the definition of ‘race’ should or could be framed around it’s original definition at its conception ( from round about the enlightenment ), because that is the construct that we are still grappling with today. It’Il be odd to suddenly change the rules of a football game into basketball rules, while still playing the football game. Using that definition ( or one not too far from it) I think race and gender are totally different. Certainly from a scientific point of view there is very little similarity. Certainly, the history that underpins our experience and understanding of race and gender aren’t the same. Sure there are similarities (esp in the realms for the struggle for equality). But oranges and apples are both fruits, but no one would argue they are the same fruit. I understand we are made to believe what applies to one applies to the other, but that’s a totally different conversation. When this Covid thing is over, it’ll be interesting top have a proper conversation about the subject of identity politics and the broader picture of how we navigate forward as a people.

Me: Again, really interesting about whether race or gender or any other identity label has remained a static concept or whether they have been a moving targets over the generations as knowledge has changed. Would love to set up a conversation. I’ll have someone at my end try to organise a small group conversation to chew the fat on this. Perhaps on Zoom in first instance. Will see what if any appetite there is. Thanks

Akin: that would be cool.


Shortly after the post was published, there was an interesting conversation on the BBC Today Programme on Jan 14th, – The segment starts at 1:49:50 and is about 7 minutes long –  about the need to ask for both your sex and gender on the census; i.e. is important to include a question on biological sex or is it enough to just ask about the gender that people identify as?

It’s only a matter of time before the same question is asked about race, which will be an interesting debate.

This is a topic that interests me, and I want to keep exploring. If you have any views or suggested reading on the idea of racial fluidity I’d love to hear from you. Find me on Linkedin, Twitter or Instagram, mention me on your post and tag  #racialfluidity let’s keep the conversation going!

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The Miseducation of a Generation* (article)

The Miseducation of a Generation* (article)

The need for separate education of black children

Understanding the nature of racism, and minimising its impact, has been my life’s work. Possibly this is why I have been less shocked than others about the murder of George Floyd. Having tracked the deaths of mainly black boys owing to gang violence in the UK over the last 15 years, I am more focused on the connection between the education system, criminality, and the death of young black men, both at the hands of the police and, more tragically, at the hands of their peers.

From the earliest age our education system can silently stifle the aspirations of black children and often discounts their most positive attributes, squashing authenticity in the process. We are unlikely ever to see a viral video of a teacher, who in the privacy of a classroom, mindlessly crushes a dream with invisible acts of ignorance, dishonour and humiliation. There is no prospect of disciplining the teacher. There will be no social media storms about miseducation perpetrated by some teachers and yet these acts have ripple effects on our community over many generations. Equal – and I’d say related– to the brutal violence perpetrated by our criminal justice system.

In a blog last year (August 2019) I describe how a teacher tried to thwart my aspirations at school and the effect it had on my self-esteem.

My English teacher humiliated me in front of the class on a weekly basis by making me read out loud (or more like stumble through) the Mayor of Casterbridge, Lark Rise and Romeo and Juliet – even though he knew I was dyslexic, or worse still, that I couldn’t read properly.
Despite the mixed messages and difficulties at school, I put everything into studying and eventually ended up with the equivalent of five GCSE’s, which on the face of it wasn’t that bad. But they were all grade ‘C’ and given how hard I’d worked I felt ashamed. These average grades confirmed what I already suspected, that as a black child I inherently lacked the intelligence to do better.

The miseducation was not only of me. Twenty-nine classmates witnessed my humiliation over two years. What implicit messages might they have taken away from this experience? Over their career a single teacher like mine will teach a thousand students. For the sake of argument, let’s say 12.5% of teachers hold racist views. This amounts to over 62,500 racist teachers in our primary and secondary schools today.** Sixty-two and a half thousand teachers who will shape the thinking of a new generation of political leaders, judges, lawyers, police, doctors, and teachers. They therefore shape the cultures within these institutions and wider society.

When my 12-year-old daughter read the August blog rushed out of the room and came back a minute later with a piece of homework she’d been given.*** The task was to fill out a table listing both the positives and negatives of colonialism. If you are struggling to understand why this is an issue, then consider the appropriateness of the same table being used to teach pre-teens about sexism, homophobia, or anti-Semitism.

These assaults on the integrity of black children are insidious. They are psychological blows which are felt in the soul, embedded in the mind and feed a sense of inferiority that can last more than a lifetime, as it trickles down to the next generation. I have seen the impacts of poor teaching play out (albeit with different outcomes) in those who have achieved career success (as I have) and those who have ended up in prison, as a friend did.****

The four officers involved in the George Floyd murder should be prosecuted, but we cannot leave it there. Ultimately, we cannot legislate our way out of racism. Dealing with immediate issues of justice is part of the process, but we will only defeat racism by also making the education system fit for purpose. To fight racism, we need to educate differently by changing the school curriculum for everyone, and by training our teachers properly about how racism manifests itself, even in the most politically correct of us. While we work for that change, we should create more educational opportunities designed by experts for BAME children outside of the mainstream system. We must give black children a level of defence against the institutionalised racism in our education system through a positive sense of identity; and prevent the miseducation of yet another generation.

*  Title based on ‘The Mis-Education of the Negro’, originally published in 1933 by Dr. Carter G. Woodson

**There are currently 506,400 full-time teachers in the UK. 216,500 work in primary schools, 208,300 work in secondary schools, 61,500 work in independent schools and 16,700 work in special schools.28 Oct 2019. Key UK education statistics – BESA 

***I wrote to the school who agreed not to teach the so-called positives of imperialism in future. To prevent this being taught in other schools I also wrote to my local MP who wrote to the Education Secretary. The response (from the Minister of State for School Standards) in a nutshell was that it is up to individual schools to decide how history is taught. See letter here.

**** I understand that the education system is not singularly responsible for negative outcomes faced by black people: the media, criminal justice system and health services also play a part. However, from an institutional perspective, I see the education system as being at the root and therefore the best starting point for systemic change.

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What exposure do black children have to racist teachers? (article)

What exposure do black children have to racist teachers? (article)

To some extent, teachers inevitably reflect the breadth of attitudes in society, including those on race. Twenty-five per cent of the general public admit to having racist attitudes. Whilst this will likely be less amongst teachers, it is certain that some will also hold such views. But how many? And what exposure do black children have to these teachers?

I can find no official statistics on this which is bizarre when you think about it. You would assume that the Department of Education or the Health and Safety Executive would want to know how many students have been exposed to racist or prejudiced teachers, but that data has never been collected and still is not.

So, I have modelled some scenarios – some ‘what-ifs’. What if teachers are half as likely as the general public to have racist views? 12.5% of teachers would have racist views. If that were the case, what would be the probability that an average student is exposed to a racist teacher at least once in their school life? Do the maths, and it is shocking. The probability is 99.99% and, on average, a black child (and indeed a white child) is likely to be taught by 10 racist teachers.* I was so surprised by these probabilities that I had them checked.** Interestingly, whatever percentage you use for teachers with racist attitudes, the risk to black children is remarkably high.
Teachers with racist attitudes Chance of a black child being taught by a racist teacher:

Probability that BAME children will be taught by a racist teacher

In most other circumstances we would find this level of exposure and risk to children completely unacceptable. Who of us would put our child into a school system where they were guaranteed to be caned, or exposed to a class A drug or sexually abused; and where this would happen regularly, turning their school experience into one of daily anxiety, dread or fear? We either don’t understand the impacts of racism on a child’s development or we don’t see these impacts as severe enough to put policies in place to prevent them.

Teachers have the power to inspire, but also to crush the aspirations of a child. We need to assess a teacher’s attitude to race before letting them into a classroom. We also need to track their performance when it comes to the treatment of black children, especially if related to disciplinary actions. Changing the syllabus won’t stop the disproportionate numbers of black children sent to special units; or being suspended or expelled from school. Acts of unconscious bias or overt racism in the classroom not only disrupt the education of black children but infects their minds. It often causes them to internalise the racism they experience and practise it on themselves, with devastating consequences to their self-esteem and life outcomes . It’s worth saying that white children bear witness to this treatment and potentially internalise views about black people which they carry back into society. In the end, we all lose.

I have had personal experience of classroom racism; so much so that I now believe that some separate education of black children is necessary. I say more on this and share one of my experiences at the hands of a racist teacher in my next blog.

(First published by Lankelly Chase on 25th June 2020)

——————————————————————————————————————–

* It was assumed that 12.5% of teachers held racist views, that on average a student would by taught by 78 different teachers over their school life (primary and secondary school – 12 years). The probability of not being taught by a racist teacher would be 0.875^78*100=0.003%. So, the likelihood of being taught be a racist teacher is 100% -.003%=99.99%. The expected number of racist teachers is just 12.5% of 78, which is 9.75 so you would expect a randomly chosen pupil to have been taught by approx. 10 racist teachers.  

**I had the calculations done by a maths student at Cambridge University and independently done and verified by another maths student at Birmingham University. 

*** ‘The Mis-Education of the Negro’, originally published in 1933 by Dr. Carter G. Wood

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